earlier. The Jewish soldiers failed to reach the village and were fiercely attacked by the
village fighters, their position was surrounded from three directions and they hastily
retreated, leaving behind two dead men and taking back with them nine wounded. The Israeli
officer who documented the event concluded by saying, amongst other observations, that
the enemy was quick to get oriented and attack, well commanded with an offensive spirit
and tendency to assault.31 On the 10th of July Etkes was released and on the 16th of July,
Kupershtock was released as well.32
THE LOCAL VERSUS THE NATIONAL PERSPECTIVE
Whereas the local picture evolves rather coherently from the documents and oral accounts,
there are some discrepancies between the local world (as it is described by the villagers and
the army documents) and the public and popular images of 1948 that evolved through the
years.
One of the ongoing debates regarding 1948 surrounds the role of the external forcesbe
they the Arab Alliance Forces (Iraqi, Jordanian, Syrian and so on) or Palestinian mobilized
forces such as those organized by Abd al-Qa¯der al-H
usseini¯ of Jerusalem or Muh
ammad
as
-S
affu¯ri¯ of S
affu¯ri¯yyeh. The villagers noted that they were reluctant to allow the foreign
forces to settle within the village. In an IDFA intelligence report, dated 12 March, 1948
(before the major war escalation), we are told that an informer, named The Lawyer, says
that Muh
ammad as
-S
affu¯ri¯s band left the village of Ijzim and is now in a house near Shari¯fs
orchard. They also moved their ammunition and arms. Outside the house people stand guard
with Canary rifles.33 The lawyer, who is, most likely, Shari¯f himself (as he was the only
lawyer in Ijzim at the time), gave more information to the Jews a few days later: a re-
enforcement of 30 men in addition to as
-S
affu¯ri¯s men had been sent to Ijzim with a Turkish
officer, probably associated with The Arab Liberation Army. They said that they had been
sent by Abd al-Qa¯der al-H
usseini¯, the leader of the fighting forces in the Jerusalem District.
The officer and as
-S
affu¯ri¯ were in conflict since the Turk was subordinate to S
affu
¯ri¯ but
thought Saffu¯ri¯ knew nothing of military issues. The Turk drew sketches of the areas of the
nearby Jewish settlements and with his men dug pits for mines between the Arab village of
Fredi¯s and the Jewish settlement of Zikhron Yaaqov (a few kilometers south of Ijzim).34
From both sources we learn that forces from outside came and went, stayed near the village,
and seem to have had problems in communicating amongst themselves and with the villagers.
Following the fall of Haifa, the districts villagers were isolated. As they were prevented
from entering the city during the months of May, June and July, they used Druze
intermediaries to transfer and sell their agricultural products in the city.35 Another route out of
the siege led to the Iraqi Forces based in Jeni¯n, twenty kilometers south of Ijzim. The Iraqis
entered Palestine with the other Arab Alliance forces on 15 May 1948. It is still debated
whether the foreign armies really participated actively, as the Israeli chronicle tends to
emphasize, or whether their presence was partially symbolic and misleading for the local
Palestinians who relied mistakenly on their help, as the Palestinian sources often present it. In
Ijzim, as we shall see, the foreign forces played a minor role, especially when they were most
needed.
Even though the official Iraqi rhetoric was strongly pro-Palestinian, in actuality, the Iraqi
involvement in the war was limited. The Iraqis were accused, both within the Arab League
and by the local Palestinians, for having no orders (ma¯ku¯ awa¯mer in the Iraqi colloquial
Arabic) and lacking a clear policy.36 As a result of these lacks, Iraqi officers at certain
localities took personal initiatives. We find correspondence between the local Iraqi and local
Israeli officers to settle a dispute concerning the usage of a certain plot of land on the
ANTHROPOLOGICAL HISTORIES OF A PALESTINIAN VILLAGE
19